Current CM of Bihar: Nitish Kumar (JD(U))

Leader of Opposition in Bihar: Rabri Devi (RJD)

The politics of Bihar, an eastern state of India, is primarily shaped by regional political parties. As of 2024, the key political groups include the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Janata Dal (United) (JDU), Indian National Congress (INC), Left Front, Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), and Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). Additionally, there are several smaller regional parties, such as the Samata Party, Rashtriya Jan Jan Party, Rashtriya Lok Janata Dal, Jan Adhikar Party, Vikassheel Insaan Party, and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), all of which play significant roles in the state’s politics. As of 2024, Bihar is governed by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) following the JDU’s departure from the Mahagatbandhan (Grand Alliance) coalition and its return to the NDA.

Political History:

From 1937 to 1977, Bihar’s politics were deeply influenced by caste dynamics. In 1937, during the formation of the Indian National Congress government in Bihar, two main factions emerged within the Bihar Provincial Congress Party: one led by Sri Krishna Sinha representing the Bhumihars, and the other by Anugrah Narayan Sinha representing the Rajputs. Anugrah Narayan Sinha did not contest the elections, allowing Sri Krishna Sinha to become the Chief Minister, a position he held until his death in 1961. Anugrah Narayan Sinha passed away in 1957.

After their deaths, new factions emerged. Binodanand Jha and Mahesh Prasad Sinha led one faction, while Krishna Ballabh Sahay led another. Jha, representing Brahmins, overcame Sinha, representing Bhumihars, by forming a coalition with Rajputs, Brahmins, Kayasthas, Scheduled Castes, and Muslims, becoming Chief Minister. However, Jha’s exclusion of Sahay from his cabinet led to Sahay defecting to Sinha’s faction.

Sahay clashed with Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Jha’s successor, over representation for Backward Castes like Ahir, Kurmi, and Koeri. Jha had restored Zamindari rights in Jamshedpur, and after his resignation due to the Kamraj Plan, Sahay aimed to boost Backward Caste representation. Sahay’s push was seen as a threat by Sinha, leading to a divide between their camps.

Post-Independence (1950–1975):

In 1946, Bihar’s first post-independence government was led by Shri Krishna Sinha as Chief Minister and Anugrah Narayan Sinha as Deputy Chief Minister and Finance Minister. Their leadership marked the beginning of a Gandhian nationalist era. However, with the assassination of Railway Minister Lalit Narayan Mishra in the late 1960s, the period of work-oriented mass leaders ended. The Indian National Congress (INC) dominated Bihar for the next two decades. During this time, prominent leader Satyendra Narayan Singh left the INC due to ideological differences and joined the Janata Party.

Bihar Movement and Aftermath (1975–1990):

During the autocratic Indira Gandhi regime, Bihar became a focal point for the push to hold elections under Jayaprakash Narayan’s leadership. In 1974, Narayan’s student movement evolved into the Bihar Movement, advocating for a “Total Revolution” and promoting civil liberties through organizations like Citizens for Democracy and the People’s Union for Civil Liberties.

By January 1977, Indira Gandhi called for fresh elections and ended the Indian Emergency. The Janata Party, led by Morarji Desai, won a decisive victory in the 1977 elections, defeating the Indian National Congress (INC) and taking control of Bihar, where Karpoori Thakur became Chief Minister.

The Communist Party, active in Bihar since 1939, opposed the Bihar Movement, viewing it as anti-democratic. As a result of the movement, Bihar’s regional identity diminished, overshadowed by the rise of caste-based politics. In the 1980s, the political landscape shifted as middle OBC castes like Yadav, Kurmi, and Koeri gained prominence, replacing upper castes in politics.

Satyendra Narayan Singh’s regime faced criticism for deteriorating law and order, including the 1989 Bhagalpur riots, which resulted in over 1,000 deaths and displacement of 50,000 people. An anti-Congress sentiment in 1989 led to the rise of Janata Dal, while socialist efforts by Mahamaya Prasad Sinha and Karpoori Thakur to reform the status quo were ultimately undermined by INC central leaders.

Law and Order in Bihar (1947-1990):

In post-independence Bihar, the feudal society perpetuated severe social and economic injustices, particularly affecting Dalit and landless agricultural laborers. Practices like Dola Pratha, where newlywed Dalit brides were coerced into spending a night with feudal lords, and the sexual exploitation of Dalit women working in fields for low wages, highlighted the widespread abuse. These conditions contributed to the rise of Naxalism in the Bhojpur region, known for extreme feudal practices.

Bihar’s land reform legislation, meant to address these issues, was poorly implemented. The benefits were often monopolized by upper-backward caste groups, while upper-castes exploited legal loopholes to retain land. This exacerbated class tensions and fueled Naxalite movements. The struggle was complicated by the involvement of middle peasantry and upper-backwards in conflicts against both Dalits and upper-castes, creating a complex, multi-front struggle.

Additionally, police excesses were prevalent, with reported abuses and violence against lower-caste civilians. Police actions, often in response to attacks by upper-caste private armies, included retaliatory violence against villages inhabited by lower-castes, further intensifying the atmosphere of conflict and repression.

Under Lalu Yadav (1990–2004):

The Janata Dal came to power in Bihar in 1990, with Lalu Prasad Yadav becoming Chief Minister after narrowly defeating Ram Sundar Das. Yadav quickly gained popularity through populist measures and by positioning himself as a champion of backward castes and Dalits. By 1995, he was both Chief Minister and president of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD).

Caste Politics:

Yadav’s tenure was marked by his focus on caste-based politics. Despite criticism for neglecting development, he garnered strong support from backward castes and Dalits. Policies such as establishing “Charvaha schools” for poor children, abolishing the toddy tax, and enforcing protections for backward castes were introduced. Yadav emphasized his connection with backward castes, portraying himself as their “Messiah” and maintaining a modest lifestyle initially, although he later moved to an official residence.

A key development was the recruitment of many backward caste individuals into government services, often through altered recruitment rules and frequent transfers of higher bureaucrats. This led to administrative instability, but Yadav’s strong support base among backward castes helped him maintain power.

Yadav also popularized lower-caste folk heroes and celebrated their victories over upper castes, which bolstered his support among Dalits. However, his inability to restart state development led to his resignation amid corruption charges. He appointed his wife, Rabri Devi, as Chief Minister, effectively ruling through her. The administration’s quality deteriorated during this period.

Impact:

Yadav shifted the state’s economic profile, with backward castes gaining more land and diversifying their occupations. He also built confidence among Muslims by halting Lal Krishna Advani’s “Ram Rath Yatra,” which had caused insecurity after the 1989 Bhagalpur riots. Under Yadav, backward castes consolidated their power, while upper castes were marginalized.

Rabri Devi’s Administration (1997–2005):

When Rabri Devi succeeded Lalu Yadav as Chief Minister, Yadav, despite being imprisoned, continued to influence the government. During her tenure, both upper and backward castes saw the rise of influential strongmen. The administration faced significant opposition from Forward Castes, who felt marginalized by Yadav’s previous rule.

Criminal Elements in Politics:

The period saw the emergence of powerful criminal figures who aligned with upper caste interests. Leaders such as Vijay Kumar Shukla (Munna Shukla), Anand Mohan Singh, Rama Singh, and Prabhunath Singh engaged in violent retribution against lower and middle castes, fueled by their opposition to Yadav’s backward caste policies. In Vaishali district, Munna Shukla’s clashes with Yadav’s minister Brij Bihari Prasad led to the assassination of Chhotan Shukla, Munna’s brother, and the subsequent killing of Prasad. Anand Mohan Singh formed the “Samajwadi Krantikari Sena,” an upper-caste lynching group, which later came under the control of Yadav’s ally Pappu Yadav. Both Munna Shukla and Anand Mohan were convicted for the murder of Gopalganj District Magistrate G. Krishnaiah, a Dalit.

Challenges and Opposition:

Yadav’s brothers-in-law, Sadhu Yadav and Subhash Prasad Yadav, also wielded significant influence, effectively running parallel administrations in their regions. Rabri Devi struggled to manage the situation, including the growing power of private armies of landlords. In response, landless laborers and poor middle-caste peasants formed their own organizations, such as the Lal Sena and the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation, to counteract the rising influence of upper-caste factions and private armies.

2004: Kumar’s Administration:

By 2004, Bihar had gained a reputation for extreme poverty, corruption, and feudalism, according to The Economist. Amid growing public dissatisfaction, the RJD was ousted from power, and Lalu Yadav lost to a coalition led by Nitish Kumar.

Politics of Development under Kumar:

Nitish Kumar, once a close ally of Lalu Yadav, broke away due to disillusionment with Yadav’s “Yadavisation” of politics and administration. Kumar, who was initially promoted as a leader of the Kurmi community, sought broader ambitions and often avoided emphasizing his caste affiliation. During Yadav’s rule, Kumar criticized the marginalization of other castes at a Kurmi rally.

Kumar faced initial setbacks but eventually built a coalition with “forward castes” and core supporters like the Koeri and Kurmi castes. Once in power, he undertook a campaign against criminal politicians, including notable figures such as Prabhunath Singh, Mohammad Shahabuddin, and Anand Mohan Singh, many of whom were jailed.

Kumar’s administration marked a shift from “identity politics” to “politics of development.” While caste-based rallies persisted, Kumar’s approach became more focused on governance and development rather than caste-based mobilization. His reluctance to engage in caste-based rhetoric during rallies, such as a significant Kurmi event, was notable and signaled a move towards a more development-oriented agenda.

2015 Onwards: Alliance of RJD and JDU

Rise of the Alliance:

By 2005, Nitish Kumar had ousted Lalu Yadav from power with an alliance that initially included the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which had strong support among upper-castes and urban traders. Kumar expanded this alliance to include marginalized communities, such as Doms and Musahars, designating them as Mahadalits and implementing affirmative measures like distributing bicycles to schoolgirls. His strategy aimed to merge backward caste support with the BJP’s base to create a robust coalition.

Political Dynamics:

Kumar’s tenure saw him criticize Yadav’s rule as “Jungleraj” and took decisive action against criminals and corrupt politicians. His administration was marked by a focus on governance rather than caste-based politics. Despite attending some caste rallies, Kumar often avoided discussing caste directly, emphasizing development instead.

Shift in Alliances (2015):

In 2015, Kumar shifted alliances due to ideological differences with the BJP and joined forces with Yadav’s Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) to form the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance). This move was seen as a strategic response to the BJP’s Hindutva politics and Modi’s influence, which had successfully rallied upper-caste support and challenged caste-based identity politics.

Election Campaign and Results:

During the 2015 elections, the BJP used caste and religion to mobilize voters, with Narendra Modi attacking Yadav’s comments about Hindus eating beef. The BJP’s campaign, featuring criticism of Kumar and Yadav, sought to leverage communal and caste-based sentiments. Despite this, the Mahagathbandhan secured a decisive victory, with a significant increase in representation for OBCs, particularly from the Yadav, Kurmi, and Koeri castes. This result marked a notable shift, reducing upper-caste representation in the Bihar assembly to 23.9%. The success of the alliance was viewed as a revival of a coalition of middle peasant castes seeking political representation.

Present Condition

Despite the separation of Jharkhand, Bihar has experienced notable growth in recent years. As of 2024, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has made another political shift, leaving the Mahagathbandhan to rejoin the BJP-led NDA coalition, marking his fifth significant realignment.

In the current political landscape, various groups are active:

• Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party (RLJP): Led by Pashupati Kumar Paras, it is part of the NDA and opposes Yadav’s RJD.
• Communist Parties: The Communist Party of India (CPI), CPM, and Forward Bloc have minor presences.
• Ultra-left Parties: The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) and Party Unity have notable followings in certain regions of Bihar.